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Intractable Social-Economic Problems of Martinique

Problèmes socio-économiques insolubles de la Martinique
Alfred Wong et Roxanne Gomes

Résumés

C’est sous le prisme de la structure politique et sociale néocoloniale qu’il convient d’appréhender l'importante agitation sociale de la Martinique. L’île est marquée par un taux élevé et dépend d’importations alimentaires et autres dont les prix ne cessent d’augmenter. La banane, culture de plantation qui a structuré les logiques économiques de la Martinique, est à l’origine d’une catastrophe écologique en raison de l'utilisation généralisée de chlordécone cancérogène pour lutter contre les parasites pendant plus de trois décennies. Bien que cette pratique ait cessé en 2003, le pesticide récalcitrant est resté en grande partie dans le sol. Le défi est de créer de nouveaux emplois, intéressants, dans ce contexte marqué par de lourdes contraintes socio-économiques et environnementaux.

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Introduction

400 years, 400 years, 400 years.
And it’s the same…..
- The Wailers, Jamaica, circa 1973.

1Martinique is a small (~1,100 km2) island located in the eastern region of the Caribbean Sea. It is situated about 7,000 km from metropolitan France. Since 1946, it has been annexed to be an official part of France, in the form of a “Département d'Outre-Mer – DOM”. Superficially, Martinique has all the customary social and economic attributes of metropolitan France, under the aegis of “Liberté, Égalité, Fraternité”. The per capita gross domestic product (€19,600 in 2008) is among the highest in the Caribbean region.

2For the tourists, Martinique is a tropical paradise with its many sandy beaches and year round warm weather, plus all the amenities of modern western lifestyle. Most tourists are oblivious to the deep undercurrent of social and cultural discontents simmering in this island paradise.

3This study project was undertaken to explore the social, economic and environmental issues affecting the creation of enduring meaningful employment in Martinique.

1. Agriculture economy

4The humid warm climate and rich volcanic soil of Martinique are ideal for the cultivation of tropical crops. The main industrial crops are sugar cane and bananas. Both sugar cane and bananas are not native to this region (Deerr, 1921; Earle, 1928; Kennedy, 2009). Plantation cropping of sugar cane began in the mid-17th century with the mass importation of slave workers from Africa, after the original indigenous Carib inhabitants had been exterminated. The age of industrial banana cropping in Martinique began in the 1920s, shortly after the establishment of several “banana republics” in Central America (Koeppel, 2008).

5As shown in Figure 1, the principal areas of sugar cane and banana cropping are located in the lower altitudes of the island. In 2008, there were 28,000 hectares of designated agricultural land in Martinique, of which about 19,000 hectares (~68% of total agricultural land) were used for banana cropping and approximately 3,100 hectares (~11% of total agricultural land) were deployed for sugar cane cropping (FAOSTAT, 2011).

6The annual productions of bananas and sugar cane have essentially been constant during the past 10 years (Figure 2). In the 2004-2008 period, the average yield of bananas and sugar cane was ~16 tonnes per hectare and ~70 tonnes per hectare, respectively. The number of persons engaged and (dependent directly) on the banana plantation industry was about 6,000 in 2008 (Cour des comptes, 2011). With increased mechanization through the shift of crops to large tracts of flat terrain, fewer workers are required in the cropping and post-harvesting operations during the past 20 years (GOI, 2003).

Figure 1. Principal areas of sugar cane and banana cropping in Martinique

Figure 1. Principal areas of sugar cane and banana cropping in Martinique

Source: Map from www.carib-trade.com

Figure 2. Production of bananas and sugar cane in Martinique (1999-2008)

Figure 2. Production of bananas and sugar cane in Martinique (1999-2008)

Sources: FAOSTAT, 2011; Cour des comptes, 2011.

7Note: The reported 2007 banana production appears to be erroneous as it does not reflect the destructive impact of Hurricane Dean on the island agriculture.

8Sugar cane juice is now used mainly to produce refined sugar products for local uses (CTCS, 2011), and as a direct feedstock for local rum production under the regime of “Appellation d’origine contrôlée – AOC” (Anon, 2011b).

9Virtually all bananas grown in Martinique (valued at about €30 million in 2008) are exported to France. With the recent ending the 20-year old banana trade war between the USA and the EU, banana producers of former “Africa, Caribbean and Pacific - ACP” colonies will be receiving about €200 million financial over the next few years to offset the EU grant of lower import duty on Latin American bananas (EC, 2010; Lamont, 2011). Although Martinique is not classified as an ACP country, it is almost certain that Martiniquan banana producers will be receiving EU financial aid similar to that to be granted to ACP producers (von Reppert-Bismarck & Dunmore, 2011).

2. Historical context

10The fundamentals of repressive colonial regime of slavery and racism have remained largely unchanged (Nouvet, 2009). Societal stratification along race and class lines remain deeply entrenched long after the formal abolition of slavery in Martinique in 1848 (Brereton, 1989). Most major land and business assets including sugar cane and banana cropping in Martinique were and are still controlled by white descendants of the colonial plantation owners (also known as békés) who comprise about 1% of the total population (Beaudoux, 2002; Azikiwe, 2009). Although the official acquisition of population statistics on racial composition is outlawed in France, the overall population has been estimated informally to consist of more than 95% Creoles and less than 5% whites and others. The békés maintain considerable political influence as exercised through the government of metropolitan France.

11During the last half of the 20th century, these problems were aggravated by départementalisation and francisation (Glissant, 1992; Burac, 1995; Gossen, 2006). One result of these French government policies has been the formalization of the alienation of the people from land and culture.

  • Départementalisation means political annexation into France. As result, critical political decision affecting the life and wellbeing of the Martiniquans are taken solely in Paris. Decision-making in France continues to be highly centralized even though the “decentralization” legislation was enacted in 1986. A facade of more “self-government” autonomy was granted after the 2009 general strike. The political power in Martinique remains however with the Prefect who is appointed directly by the President in metropolitan France. And key administrative posts are still filled only by government officials sent from metropolitan France. In essence, locally elected council officials continue to have little or no administrative or fiscal power of consequence. The 4 elected Deputies and 2 elected Senators have virtually no influence in the politics of metropolitan France on the direction of social and economic affairs of Martinique.

  • Francisation as a national cultural assimilation policy began in 1539 under the reign of François I with the promulgation of the Ordinance of Villers-Cotterêts (Garrisson, 1995). This Royal edict was designed to impose the dominance of French language and culture for the development of French identity during the course of territorial consolidation of the French state over the next 470 years. Some examples of this cultural-domination policy within present-day boundaries of metropolitan France are the draconian francisation of Occitans, Bretons, Catalans, Corsicans and Basques. In overseas territories, francisation results in the eradication of indigenous cultural identity. Naipaul (1962) had marveled at the Gallic pretension of the Martiniquan society in the maintaining the fictionality of metropolitan France. In the fictionalization of Caribbean history, Michener (1989) had commented on the irrational pretension of the culture of Martinique (and Guadeloupe) to be that of metropolitan France. Even though the Antillean Créole language and music have been under unrelenting assault of the State francisation policy, the cultural identities of Martiniquan créoles and metropolitan French are still highly distinct (Couti, 2003). It is interesting to note that in metropolitan France today, there is increasing discourse over the issue of national identity (de la Siega, 2009; Lichfield, 2009).

12Figure 3 shows that the unemployment rate in Martinique has been consistently high during the past decade. It is about 3 times higher than that in metropolitan France (Anon, 2010a; Anon, 2011a). The persistent high rate of unemployment rate among persons under 30 years of age is especially acute. It is interesting to note that all DOMs, viz., Martinique, Guadeloupe, Guyane, and Réunion have similarly high rates of chronic unemployment (Anon, 2011a).

Figure 3. Historical unemployment rate in Martinique

Figure 3. Historical unemployment rate in Martinique

Sources: Mekkaoui, 2010; EUROSTAT, 2011.

13There is a steady increase of school-leaving youth entering the job market. Emigration to metropolitan France becomes a “safety valve” for the educated as well as the less-educated youth. Figure 4 shows that the projected emigration of young people to metropolitan France and elsewhere would result in the steady increase in the median age of the population of Martinique in the coming decades. It may be noted that about 1/3 of the Martinique population already lives and works semi-permanently in clustered localities in metropolitan France. The population in Martinique was about 400,000 in 2007.

Figure 4. Projected net migration (between 2007 and 2012) and changes in age structure of population (2007 versus 2040) of Martinique

Figure 4. Projected net migration (between 2007 and 2012) and changes in age structure of population (2007 versus 2040) of Martinique

Source: Horatius-Clovis, 2011.

14In early 2009, simmering social unrest among the lowly-paid and unemployed non-béké people finally led to a general labour strike in Martinique (Azikiwe, 2009; Meyer, 2009). « Matinik cé ta nou, cé pa ta yo! » (Le Collectif du 5 février) became the rallye demand. Some short-term concessions such as an immediate labour wage supplement (viz., €200 per month) were finally granted by the metropolitan government to settle the 3-week general labour strike. But the underlying social-economic issues including class exclusion, cultural alienation, rising cost of food staples, inadequate labour wages, and chronic high level of unemployment have remained largely unresolved in the 2 years after the general strike.

3. Ecological disaster

15The widespread use of pesticides, particularly chlordecone (CAS No. 143-50-0) for the intensive cropping of bananas during the past 5 decades had caused a major ecological disaster in Martinique (UNEP, 2006; Lichfield, 2007; Benkimoum and Nedelkovsi, 2010). Chlordecone was recognized to be a possible human carcinogen in 1979 (ATSDR, 1995). Increases in the prevalence of prostate and breast cancers in Martinique (as well as Guadeloupe) have now been reported (Landau-Ossondo, 2009; Multigner et al., 2010). Chlordecone has a high affinity for solid particles such as soil and organic matter (Fernandes et al., 2010) and has a high propensity of bioaccumulation (Bertrand et al., 2010; Bocquené and Franco, 2005). Chlordecone is recalcitrant to degradation by natural chemical, biological and photolytic means (ATSDR, 1995). Interestingly, it has been noted that the natural degradation of chlordecone in Martinique soil would require about 400 years (Anon, 2010b). Indeed the only assured means of ultimate destruction of chlordecone into environmentally-benign end products is controlled incineration in a specialized furnace operating at more than 850 °C. Numerous ways and means have been proposed and are being studied (Anon, 2011c). This remediation research strategy does not appear to afford a final resolution of the chlordecone pollution in the foreseeable future. A massive one-time scheme to remediate chlordecone-contaminated soil has been proposed recently (Wong, 2011).

16With the final cessation of clandestine usage of chlordecone in Martinique in 2002, it remains unclear presently whether empty containers and unused stock of chlordecone have been disposed safely to avoid additional environmental catastrophe in the future. There has been a conspicuous official silence on this matter.

17Until all soil has all been successfully de-contaminated, it would be unsafe to use the land for any new agricultural activities. Indeed, the people have been warned by the local authorities to refrain from eating self-produced vegetables (Dubuisson et al., 2006; Houdart et al., 2009). Continued transport of chlordecone from soil to food stuff will continue to endanger human health. In a study of chlordecone contamination of aquatic fauna in coastal waters of Martinique, Coat et al. (2006) had found the contamination of aquatic fauna to be particularly high in Baie Fort-de-France, which is located on the opposite side of island where most of the bananas are grown (Figure 1). It is postulated that the chlordecone has been transported involuntarily by vehicle tires and by human footware from the banana-growing region into the land area of Fort-de-France, and then the inadvertently-transported contaminated soil particles are washed into the bay through normal precipitation run-offs. Unlike open coastal areas, the turnover of water in Baie de Fort-de-France is relatively slow. Chlordecone is thus reasoned to bioaccumulate more intensively in the aquatic-fauna food chain of Baie Fort-de-France.

18To date, no bodies, government officials or private enterprises, have been held accountable for perpetuating the use of chlordecone in Martinique for decades after this highly toxic pesticide had been deemed internationally to be unsafe for use (Boutrin and Confiant, 2007; Boughriet, 2010). Indeed the local political leadership has failed to protect the people of Martinique.

4. Neocolonial plantation tourism

19The traditional policy approach in creating employment is the expansion of the tourist industry. The enabling means is aggressive bétonisation (literally meaning cementing over the countryside with roads, parking lots, hotels and shopping centres) which renders tourism in paradise to become an extension of the colonial plantation system. Strachan (2002) has noted that tourism economy is largely a re-creation of the plantation economy in which colonial ideologies and economics prevail. European and North American tourists are offered luxurious accommodation style which is a re-creation of past colonial era, in which workers (syn. servants) are always obedient and servile. Local culture would be promoted principally for the attraction of foreign tourists, and not for reasons of cultural revival (Burton, 1978). This form of ethno-tourism demeans the cultural integrity of the indigenous people.

20This approach of job creation has largely been an unsatisfactory long-term solution of the chronic high unemployment problem in Martinique. Menial jobs are created under relentless pressure to suppress wages in competition against the neighbouring Caribbean islands which are not tied to the wage structure of metropolitan France. Table 1 shows the comparative minimum wage scale between Martinique and independent states in the Antilles. With the large wage-scale gap, it is evidently impossible for Martinique to create substantial enduring employment through the tourism trade, even with unlimited bétonisation. It may be noted also that the “high” minimum wage has not provided an adequate standard of living for many Martiniquans. The price of food and other basic necessities (largely imported) in Martinique have been typically 30% to 60% more expensive than in metropolitan France (Thull and Mabut, 2009).

Table 1: Gross minimum wage scale in selected countries of the Antilles in 2011

Country

Gross minimum wage, € per hour

Remarks

Martinique (and Guadeloupe)

9.00

Identical to France at government-prescribed 151.67 hours per month.

Antigua and Barbuda

1.96

EC$7.00 per hour

Barbados

1.89

BDS$5 per hour = EC$6.76 per hour

Dominica

1.40

EC$5.00 per hour

Grenada

1.40

EC$5.00 per hour

St. Kitts and Nevis

2.24

EC$8.00 per hour

St. Lucia

0.55

EC$300 per month = EC$1.98 per hour, pro-rated at 151.67 hours per month

St. Vincent and the Grenadines

0.92

EC$25 per day = EC$3.30 per hour, pro-rated at 7.58 hours per day

Notes:

Data from various government sources.

Nominal exchange rate: EC$1.00 = €0.28, and EC$1.00 = BDS$0.74

21Daniel (2001) had suggested the development of high-quality eco-tourism as a new means of Martinique economic development. However, even if the base wage differential with other Eastern Caribbean islands was ignored, the extensive pollution of Martinique soil by chlordecone would effectively eliminate this eco-tourism possibility.

22Sex tourism in its many forms is emerging as a lucrative growth industry in the Caribbean (Grenade, 2007; Jones and Jemmott, 2010; Sengupta, 2010). It has yet to be proposed and promoted as a novel means to revive the Martiniquan economy.

5. Political and economic realities

23With continued large-scale industrial cropping for export and expanded bétonisation, Martinique has essentially become ever more dependent on imported food to sustain its people (Paravisni-Gebert, 2008). Figure 5 illustrates the recent pattern of Martinique import and exports of agricultural products and food. The balance of trade is chronically distorted. The principal exports are heavily-subvented bananas to metropolitan France and refined petroleum products to nearby Guadeloupe, the other Antillean DOM. Crude petroleum is imported routinely for processing at the Fort-de-France refinery into gasoline, gas-oil and other petroleum-based products. In essence, Martinique external trade has effectively no comparative or absolute advantages.

Figure 5: Martinique external trade of agricultural products and food

Figure 5: Martinique external trade of agricultural products and food

Sources: Anon, 2010a; Cour des comptes, 2011.

24A substantial change in the social and economic structure in conjunction with the implementation of alternative strategies to create meaning jobs would be needed to rectify this problem of chronic high level of unemployment. The problems are well described, but there appears to be an acute absence of development and implementation of new remedial strategies (Desse, 2010; Desse and Selise, 2010). Thinking on this Perhaps not coincidentally, a similar economic dysfunction exists in other DOMs (Simon, 2010) (Figure 6).

25Local leadership obstacles
In retrospect, the initiative led by Aimé Césaire (co-founder of the Négritude movement and former long-time Mayor of Martinique) in 1946 to have Martinique accepted by France as a DOM might have been a grave mistake. Césaire had reasoned that départementalisation means the social and economic benefits from metropolitan France’s republican universalism. Burton (1978) had noted that “Not only did the Republic seek to assimilate the colony, but the colony-particularly its mulatto middle-class-ardently sought to be assimilated. So long as the békés preserved an effective stranglehold on the economy, the intermediary coloured class’s sole means of asserting itself lay in political and cultural activity and it naturally saw the acquisition of full French citizenship and the transformation of Martinique into a department of France as its best course to counter white hegemony”. By the early 1960s, it was apparent that départementalisation had failed the people of Martinique substantially. During the following 50 years, Césaire had continued to ignore the teaching of Frantz Fanon (1961), a fellow Matiniquan, to rectify the dismal failure of départementalisation. Significant ambivalence about the legacy of Césaire continues today in Martinique (Daniel, 2009a; Daniel, 2009b; Reno, 2009).

Figure 6: Example imbalance of import-export trade and high rate of unemployment in the DOMs

Figure 6: Example imbalance of import-export trade and high rate of unemployment in the DOMs

Sources: Anon, 2010a; Cour des comptes, 2011.

26In essence, departmentalization had effectively isolated Martinique culturally and economically from other Caribbean states. Interestingly, in 1946, the békés were generally against départementalisation for fear losing the feudal control over the general population. In the 65 years since, the békés have successfully deployed départementalisation (which they had opposed initially) for their continuing control over the economic affairs of the island.

27The referendum held in early 2010 approved the status quo (Anon, 2010c). To a large extent, middle-class citizens of Martinique are fearful of any changes which would degrade their accustomed Gallic style of living (Célestine, 2010). With the status quo, the chronic high unemployment problem and failed public policy of creating jobs with a “living wage” is doomed to remain unchanged (Anon, 2010d). Exportation of young people to France becomes the only means to reduce social discontent. In the meantime, francisation and bétonisation continue forward relentlessly.

28Consolation of départementalisation
Martinique has some notable “benefits” of being a DOM. All Martiniquans are effectively citizens of the French Republic. They have complete freedom to seek employment in metropolitan France when there are no prospects of any meaningful jobs in Martinique. It is generally recognized that people would prefer to stay in their homeland for cultural and social reasons if there were no compelling economic circumstances to cause migration (Llana, 2010).

29As French citizens, all unemployed Martiniquans are entitled to apply and receive monthly welfare payment of at least €466 per (single) person from Le revenue de Solidarité active (Le rSa) program. There were 34,777 unemployed Martiniquans registered at the end of December, 2008 (Mekkois, 2010); the gross welfare payment from the metropolitan France treasury would have been about €16 million per month, if the present payment schedule of Le rSa was active then. The current schedule of guaranteed welfare payment came into force for DOM citizens on January 1, 2011 (Le rSa, 2011). In comparison to the minimum wage scale at about €1,365 per month as given in Table 1 and in view of substantially higher local costs of foods and other life necessities, this level of welfare payment alone is clearly insufficient to sustain even the most minimal standard of living in Martinique. It is thus not surprising that there are considerable repressed frustration and anger among many Matiniquans.

30Limited economic ties to CARICOM
Because its DOM status, Martinique trade with neighbouring CARICOM market is highly restricted (CEDA, 2007; CEDA, 2008). For example, EU Regulations 1580/2007, 1221/2008 and 771/2009 effectively restrict the importation of most vegetables and fruits from nearby CARICOM member states (EC, 2007; EC, 2008; EC, 2009). These EC regulations were designed largely to serve the prevailing product standards and economic interest of mainland EU producers and consumers. Because Martinique is a DOM of France, the importation of food could only be effectively sourced from the European Union suppliers, viz., France.

31As shown in Figure 7, the trade with other regional states is miniscule. This situation actually serves the neocolonial practices well, as the economy of food and other consumer goods remains in the control of békés and their commercial-political allies in metropolitan France. Coincidentally, the extensive chlordecone contamination of local water and food supply also strengthens the business interest of importers of alimentary products from France.

Conclusion : Path forward for national salvation

32There are essentially very few options available to rectify the continuing predicament. Within the prevailing béké-dominated social and economic structure, it is not inducive for the establishment of alternatives economic activities by for small-scale independent farmers and economically-deprived citizens. Extensive contamination of the soil, water, flora and fauna by the past widespread use of toxic chlordecone pesticide is an additional development barrier. For different political reasons, both obstacles are not easy to overcome.

  • 1 Two papers are planned for release: «New agriculture: an alternative means to provide enduring empl (...)
  • 2 A paper entitled «Outlook for the remediation of chlordecone-contaminated soil in Martinique» will (...)

33Natural geography and shared history certainly favour cultural and economic integration with other Caribbean islands. But this approach could not be realized unless Martinique is disengaged firstly from being a DOM of France, and secondly from the EU. After an orderly phase-out of the DOM status, Martinique could begin to trade freely with CARICOM member states. New agriculture1 could be implemented in earnest with the primary goal of food self-sufficiency, after the island soil has been fully de-contaminated2. As a part of the negotiated settlement with Martinique, metropolitan France should accept full financial responsibility for the total of clean-up of all chlordecone-contaminated soil.

34The path towards the renaissance of Martinique will be tortuous. France has never had a history of voluntary relinquishment of its overseas empire. Witness the bitter and bloody battles over the independence of Haiti (1791-1804), Vietnam (1945-1954) and Algeria (1954-1962) from France.

Figure 7: Value of Martinique external trade in 2008

Figure 7: Value of Martinique external trade in 2008

Source: Anon, 2011a.

Notes:

Caribbean ACP comprises of Antigua and Barbuda, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Cuba, Dominica, Grenada Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica, St. Kitts and Nevis, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname, Dominican Republic, and Trinidad and Tobago.

Guadeloupe and Guyane are DOMs of France.

Export to Guadeloupe consisted mainly of refined petroleum products.

35The causes of social and economic problems in the island paradise are not unrelated. Propagation of the neocolonial regime has led to further destruction of the land and people to be burdened with the tragic legacy of widespread use of knowingly carcinogenic pesticide in banana cropping during the last half of the 20th century. The task to overcome these social, economic and environmental disorders is substantial in the renaissance of Martinique in real time.

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Bibliographie

ACP

Africa, Caribbean and Pacific countries which have been former colonies of European states.

BDS$

Barbados dollar

CARICOM

Caribbean Community (2011 full members: Antigua and Barbuda, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica, Montserrat, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname and, Trinidad and Tobago)

DOM

Département d'Outre-Mer (of France); Martinique, Guadeloupe, Guyane, Réunion and Mayotte are considered to be integral parts of the EU.

EC$

Eastern Caribbean dollar

EU

European Union

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Annexe

Abbreviations used

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Notes

1 Two papers are planned for release: «New agriculture: an alternative means to provide enduring employment and food security for Martinique» in Spain in July, 2012, and «Diversified economic development opportunities in Martinique» in Cuba in December, 2012.

2 A paper entitled «Outlook for the remediation of chlordecone-contaminated soil in Martinique» will be released in the UK in July, 2012.

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Table des illustrations

Titre Figure 1. Principal areas of sugar cane and banana cropping in Martinique
Crédits Source: Map from www.carib-trade.com
URL http://etudescaribeennes.revues.org/docannexe/image/6073/img-1.png
Fichier image/png, 315k
Titre Figure 2. Production of bananas and sugar cane in Martinique (1999-2008)
Crédits Sources: FAOSTAT, 2011; Cour des comptes, 2011.
URL http://etudescaribeennes.revues.org/docannexe/image/6073/img-2.png
Fichier image/png, 13k
Titre Figure 3. Historical unemployment rate in Martinique
Crédits Sources: Mekkaoui, 2010; EUROSTAT, 2011.
URL http://etudescaribeennes.revues.org/docannexe/image/6073/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 36k
Titre Figure 4. Projected net migration (between 2007 and 2012) and changes in age structure of population (2007 versus 2040) of Martinique
Crédits Source: Horatius-Clovis, 2011.
URL http://etudescaribeennes.revues.org/docannexe/image/6073/img-4.png
Fichier image/png, 131k
Titre Figure 5: Martinique external trade of agricultural products and food
Crédits Sources: Anon, 2010a; Cour des comptes, 2011.
URL http://etudescaribeennes.revues.org/docannexe/image/6073/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 36k
Titre Figure 6: Example imbalance of import-export trade and high rate of unemployment in the DOMs
Crédits Sources: Anon, 2010a; Cour des comptes, 2011.
URL http://etudescaribeennes.revues.org/docannexe/image/6073/img-6.png
Fichier image/png, 13k
Titre Figure 7: Value of Martinique external trade in 2008
Crédits Source: Anon, 2011a.
URL http://etudescaribeennes.revues.org/docannexe/image/6073/img-7.png
Fichier image/png, 13k
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Pour citer cet article

Référence électronique

Alfred Wong et Roxanne Gomes, « Intractable Social-Economic Problems of Martinique », Études caribéennes [En ligne], 21 | Avril 2012, mis en ligne le 15 avril 2012, consulté le 29 juin 2017. URL : http://etudescaribeennes.revues.org/6073 ; DOI : 10.4000/etudescaribeennes.6073

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Auteurs

Alfred Wong

Volunteer Researcher, Social Justice Group, Friends of Aboriginal Health, P.O. Box 34173, Vancouver V6J 4N1, Canada, taiping@aboriginalhealth.net

Articles du même auteur

Roxanne Gomes

Volunteer Researcher, Social Justice Group, Friends of Aboriginal Health, P.O. Box 34173, Vancouver V6J 4N1, Canada

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Droits d’auteur

Licence Creative Commons
Les contenus d’Études caribéennes sont mis à disposition selon les termes de la Licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale 4.0 International.

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